London : The New York Times published a report prepared by Eric Schmidt, Declan Welch, and Christopher Cottell, in which they said that the United Arab Emirates is publicly calling for a peace settlement in Sudan, but is secretly fueling the war.
From a remote base in Chad, Abu Dhabi is transporting weapons and providing medical care to part of the escalating conflict in Sudan.
The newspaper quoted officials as saying that the UAE, under the guise of rescuing refugees fleeing the war, is running an elaborate secret operation to support one of the parties to the war, provide medical care to wounded fighters, and transport serious cases by air to one of its hospitals, according to a dozen current and former officials from the United States and Europe. And African countries.
The operation is being run from a military base and a hospital far from the Sudanese border in Chad, where commercial cargo planes from the Emirates have been landing at the base almost daily since June, according to satellite images and officials who requested anonymity.
The newspaper comments that this is another example of the UAE, an important ally of the United States in the Gulf, trying to use its wealth and military arsenal to play an important role, and sometimes the role of the godfather of power in Africa.
In Sudan, all evidence points to support for the Rapid Support Forces , the paramilitary force linked to the Russian Wagner group accused of crimes. The Rapid Support Forces are waging a war against the regular army in a conflict that has left 5,000 dead and displaced more than four million people.
The Emiratis confirm that their operation on the border is purely humanitarian.
Sudanese say that the UAE’s intervention in their country is a hideous double act. On the one hand, it talks about peace and fuels war, and on the other hand, it claims to help refugees and treat soldiers.
Since the beginning of the planes' arrival in the Chadian town of Am Grasse, the official news agency published pictures of a modern, shiny field hospital, which it said had treated more than 6,000 patients since July.
Video footage showed Emirati officials delivering aid packages outside thatched homes in nearby villages, donating sheep or renovating schools. They even organized a camel competition. The goal is to support Sudanese refugees, most of whom fled sectarian violence in the Darfur region.
But the number of refugees who have registered in Am Grasse since the beginning of the war has not exceeded 250, according to the United Nations Refugee Agency. The emergency refugee aid operation is hundreds of miles south, or a two-day drive across the desert, where 420,000 Sudanese refugees have arrived in sprawling camps, crowded into desperate conditions. In fact, the UAE is using humanitarian support as a cover to help the leader of the “Rapid Support” movement, Mohamed Hamdan Dagalo, Hemedti. He is a former militia leader in Darfur with a reputation for cruelty and long ties to the UAE. A senior American official said: “The Emiratis view Hemedti as their man” and “we have seen this in other places, they choose a man and support him all the time.”
As an important player in Africa, the Emiratis have signed multi-billion dollar commercial contracts to develop mines in the Democratic Republic of Congo, carbon credits in Liberia, and develop ports in Somalia, Sudan, and Tanzania.
In eastern Libya, the UAE armed warlord Khalifa Haftar, in violation of the arms export embargo imposed by the United Nations.
The combat marches of Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed were presented at a critical stage of his war with the Tigray revolutionaries, in 2020, which tilted the balance of the war in his favor. The UAE has been pushing for peace in Sudan, and as a member of the Quartet consisting of the United States, Britain and Saudi Arabia, it is trying to reach a negotiated solution, but UAE weapons are fueling the war. In recent weeks, Hemedti's fighters used Kornet anti-tank missiles, which they obtained from the UAE, and targeted a fortified armored base in the capital, according to Sudanese and American officials. The UAE Ministry of Foreign Affairs did not respond to a list of questions, but it previously denied providing support to a party in the Sudanese war.
The newspaper comments that the secret operation in Sudan angered the Americans, who feel uncomfortable with Abu Dhabi’s close relations with Russia and China.
The ruler of the Emirates received 5,000 American soldiers in his petro-state, but his support for Hemedti places him on the side of another foreign supporter, the Russian Wagner mercenaries .
The newspaper refers to an unpublished report by United Nations investigators submitted to the UN Security Council, and obtained by the New York Times, detailing the manner in which Hemedti obtained surface-to-air missiles from bases in the Central African Republic, in April and May. Wagner provided the missiles, according to a UN official. It was used to shoot down a number of Sudanese fighters, according to Sudanese officials. The Rapid Support Forces did not respond to the newspaper's questions, but they previously denied any connection with Wagner.
A spokesman for the US National Security Council, commenting on a question about the UAE’s activities in Am Grasse, said that the UAE expressed its concern “to all external players who are suspected of supporting any side in the Sudanese war, including the UAE.” Sudanese critics see the UAE’s intervention as a hideous duality. On the one hand, it talks about peace and fuels war, and on the other hand, it claims to help refugees and treat the soldiers who forced them to flee.
A former CIA analyst: The Emiratis worked more than any other party to help the Rapid Support and prolong the conflict and the support is done without fingerprints.
“This makes me angry and frustrated,” said Hossam Mahjoub, founder of Bakra, an independent Sudanese media company. “We have seen this before in countries like Libya and Yemen, where the UAE says it wants peace and stability, and does everything to work against it.”
The operation began in Am Grasse in mid-June, two months after the start of the war. At that time, Chadian President Mohamed Idriss Deby met the Emirati leader, Bin Zayed, in one of his palaces in Abu Dhabi, and Deby returned to N'Djamena with a loan of 1.5 billion, even though Chad's annual budget is 1.8 billion dollars, and with promises to provide him with military vehicles delivered in August.
A day later, commercial cargo planes began arriving at Am Grasse, a small oasis inhabited by a group of people, with an unusually long runway. The newspaper identified a number of planes to Am Grasse since May. Idriss Deby, the father of the current president, was born in Am Grasse. He usually received foreign leaders there during his 30-year rule, and he built a military airport near it, with the longest runway in the country.
In July, when an air traffic tracking website, “Gerjon,” published a report on unusual Emirati aircraft traffic in Am Grasse, the UAE announced the opening of a 50-bed hospital on the edge of the runway, and this was followed by announcements about Abu Dhabi’s humanitarian efforts. “A new cornerstone in the UAE’s shining record of giving.” There were signs of local opposition to the Emirati base among the tribes in the region, and one of the tribal leaders said: “This is not a civilian hospital,” adding that the UAE supports “Rapid Support” with logistical assistance, and then burned the Emirati flag.
The accusations were not unfounded, as the African nurses said that part of the hospital was allocated to treat the wounded from the “Rapid Support” group, some of whom were seriously injured and were airlifted for treatment at Zayed Military Hospital.
In addition, Am Grasse Airport has expanded its traffic to become an active military airport and is not compatible with the needs of a small hospital. New places and sites were created to park aircraft and fuel tanks. New spaces were opened in a way that gave the appearance of creating places to park aircraft. Most of the planes that landed in Am Grasse transported weapons to the UAE in other conflict areas. The Ilyushin-registered Flysky plane, which UN investigators say is accused of airlifting weapons to Libya and Ethiopia. The newspaper says that the analysis of the forms of construction of the air base is similar to the process of establishing the marching base that the UAE built in Al-Khadim, eastern Libya, in 2016.
From Umm Geras, the weapons are transported 150 miles to Zarrouk, in northern Darfur, which is Hemedti's base, according to Sudanese, Chadian and United Nations officials. A Sudanese tribal leader said that the Rapid Support Forces spoke to him in the summer to ensure the safe passage of military convoys to Zarrouk.
The air base in Chad is constantly being expanded, as the newspaper obtained satellite images, taken in August. “The Emiratis have done more than any other party to help rapid support and prolong the conflict,” said Cameron Hudson, a former CIA analyst, adding that the support “is done without fingerprints, and that is intentional.”
The Emirati relationship with Hemedti began in the Yemen war, where, in 2018, it lavished money on him to send his fighters to Yemen, and this campaign helped him enrich himself and strengthen the “Rapid Support” force inside Sudan, and with him building a financial empire and gold mines and transferring their revenues to Dubai, where he manages His younger brother, Al-Qouni, Hamdan Dagalo, appointed companies to manage the family's interests.
Many Western analysts wondered why the UAE was increasing its assistance to “rapid support,” despite mounting evidence of crimes and violations. Like the rest of the Gulf states, the UAE sees Sudan as a source of food and a center for promoting its interests in the Red Sea, as it signed a $6 billion agreement to build a new port on the Red Sea. There are regional rivalries, as tension is rising between Egypt, which supports the army, and the UAE and Saudi Arabia, which lead diplomatic efforts.
Despite the crisis, Morocco participates with Macron in a military ceremony and receives the leader of the French opposition
Moroccan Minister Delegate for Defense Abdellatif Loudiyi attended, alongside French President Emmanuel Macron, the 80th anniversary of the liberation of the island of Corsica, in his capacity as a representative of King Mohammed VI. At the same time, leftist opposition leader Luc Melenchon intends to visit Morocco next week. This is happening in light of the thorny crisis that relations between the two countries are going through .
Although it is a protocol ceremony, it is considered a political event par excellence, in light of the tense relations between the two countries for more than two years.
On Thursday of this week, the island of Corsica celebrated the eightieth anniversary of its liberation from German colonialism during World War II. The soldiers brought by France from Morocco, which was under French colonialism at the time, participated in the liberation of the island.
On this occasion, Moroccan Defense Minister Delegate Abdellatif Loudiyi attended this Thursday, along with French President Macron, the ceremony in the city of Bastia, the capital of the island. One of the Moroccan soldiers who is still alive and participated in the liberation of the island was decorated.
Although the matter is related to a protocol ceremony, the presence of the Moroccan official alongside President Macron, as well as in his capacity as a representative of King Mohammed VI, is considered a political event par excellence, in light of the tense relations between Rabat and Paris for more than two years against the backdrop of many issues.
In addition, the Moroccan press reported on the visit of Jean-Luc Melenchon, leader of the opposition “France Proud” party, to Morocco next week, where he will meet a number of government officials as well as party officials.
The participation of the Minister Delegate for Defense in Corsica, as well as the expected visit of the opposition leader to Morocco, comes at a time when the French press has been characterized by articles criticizing the royal institution in Morocco against the backdrop of what it considers negligence in the Al Haouz earthquake that struck southern Morocco on the night of September 8th, especially the rejection of French aid . as The strong criticism of the Moroccan press against President Macron reached the point of accusing him of “homosexuality” by “Le 360”, which is close to the highest circles.
Usually, military cooperation between France and Morocco is not affected by the political, diplomatic, and even intelligence crisis between the two countries. Consultations continue, as do military maneuvers and arms deals.
For his part, opposition leader Mélenchon adopts different political positions on African and Maghreb issues than President Macron. Unlike the left in various European countries, it usually adopts moderate positions towards Moroccan-French relations or the European Parliament’s relations towards Morocco.
Relations between Paris and Rabat are going through a thorny crisis. On the one hand, France accuses Morocco of spying on President Macron through the Israeli Pegasus program, and on the other hand, Rabat criticizes France for not recognizing the Moroccanity of the Sahara and coordinating with Algeria at the expense of Morocco’s interests, and even launching a campaign against Moroccan interests in the European Parliament. A number of locals began to promote that relations would not be reconciled until a new president came to France.