A Chinese teacher from Guangzhou for "Target Aid" shows Uyghur children a Communist coat of arms cut by Chinese paper-cutting craft at Mingde Elementary School, Old Town, Kashgar, July 2021.
Dear Reader, We recently discussed the crimes committed by the "Anhui Chinese relatives" against the Hotan Uyghurs. Today we will focus on what the "Guangdong Chinese relatives" did in Kashgar.
A few days ago, the new information about the "Xinjiang police files" released by CNN and other international media has raised the Uyghur issue to another hot spot in the world. According to the data, the archives of nearly 830,000 camp inmates in the "Xinjiang Police Files" released last May are open to the public. A large majority of the information in this archive is related to the camp prisoners in Kashgar Konanagar County and Tikes County of Ili Prefecture, and it is possible to search the information of people who were captured, imprisoned or disappeared in these two places.
Indeed, with the release of the "Xinjiang Police Files" voluminous evidence of the Uyghur genocide last May, we became aware of the horrific reality that one in every 25 Uyghurs were imprisoned in the old city of Kashgar. But since when, by whom, and in what way was Kashgar old county turned into a super prison, it is a necessary issue for us to explore and investigate. In that case, let's first explore the factors that led to the emergence of the Uyghur tragedy in the old town of Kashgar.
As it turns out, since 2017, when the Uyghur genocide became public, it is no secret that this crime is closely related to the so-called "Xinjiang aid plan" of the Chinese government. Indeed, just as the Anhui people persecuted the Uyghurs in Guma County of Hotan in the name of "help", the Guangzhou people who divided the old city of Kashgar also persecuted the Uyghurs here in the name of "help". So, what did the so-called "Chinese relatives" from Guangzhou actually do to the people of the old city of Kashgar?
Although the so-called "aid to Xinjiang" movement of the Guangzhou people under the leadership of the Guangdong provincial government began in the 1990s, the distribution of the old city of Kashgar to the Guangzhou people began with the first so-called "Xinjiang workshop of the center" in 2010. The people of Guangzhou took control of many fields of education, medicine, production, business and agriculture in the old city of Kashgar in a planned and timely manner, and carried out a series of actions aimed at destroying, cleansing and transforming the Uyghurs. Let us first look at what the "Chinese relatives" of Guangzhou have done to Chineseize the Uyghurs of the old city of Kashgar:
Since September 2017, the Chinese government has unanimously canceled teaching in Uyghur in middle and primary schools in Uyghur and has moved many Chinese from Chinese provinces to Uyghur in the name of national language teachers. As for Kashgar Old Town, it was popularized rapidly after Chinese President Xi Jinping's visit to Kashgar Old Town in 2014.
In a 2019 news report from Guangzhou's " Yangcheng Newspaper ", there are many details about this. That is, until 2017, the Chineseization of education in the old city of Kashgar could not become common. In 2017, Guangzhou City received 348 million from the so-called "Xinjiang Aid Fund".The yuan was allocated to the Kashgar Old Town's three-year comprehensive Sinicization of Education campaign. According to the report, Guangzhou City has developed a "targeted support" plan for 110 middle, primary and kindergarten schools in Kashgar Old Town, and has recruited nearly 3,000 Chinese teachers from Chinese provinces to work in Kashgar Old Town. In addition, according to the call to start Chineseization from children, another 114 Chinese teachers were sent from Guangzhou to take charge of the Chineseization of Uyghur children in Kashgar Old Town County. Also, Kashgar allocated the largest amount of funds to the educational construction of Old Town County and popularized boarding schools. From kindergarten to middle school education, Uyghur children who were placed in boarding schools implemented the strategy of "red gene engineering" and began to educate the children in Chinese culture, language, history and customs from an early age. For example, the 3rd high school in Kashgar Kona Muharg County was turned into a base for red propaganda. The Red Propaganda Group that was created in this school was quickly expanded to all schools in Kashgar Old Town County. Thus, in a short period of time, it is in 22 placesMore than a thousand Uyghur Red Propaganda children have been trained in the Red Propaganda Training Center. Indeed, this propaganda site has become an organizational unit for the general Chineseization of Uyghur children, as if it were a separate department of the Chinese government.
Another method used by the people of Guangzhou to Chineseize the Uyghur children in the old city of Kashgar was the implementation of the "one project per school" plan. First of all, the No. 1 Middle School of Kashgar Old Town County was trained according to the "Gongzhou Dragon-Lion Dance" (广州龙狎舞). The so-called lion dance troupe started in 2018 with one dragon, six lions and 24 Uyghur teenagers.By 2021, it has become a large-scale lion dance group with 100 dragons, 200 lions and more than 1,400 participants. In other words, the so-called "Guangju relatives" started the lion dance group in the first middle school of Konamungar County in just a few years and expanded it to all middle and primary schools in Konamungar County. According to this information, Kashgar's ultimate goal is to infuse the genes of the "Chinese nation" into the blood of the Uyghurs by creating a "Chinese lion dance culture" in the old city.
The so-called "support for education" is not limited to the Chineseization of Uyghur youth, but is extended to villages, communities, and families.
Attending the so-called flag-raising ceremony every Monday morning, attending Chinese language courses in the evening, learning Chinese by living with Chinese relatives, etc., are common in the daily life of Uyghurs in the old city of Kashgar.
60 party members from Uyghur farmers were trained in Eriqbeshi village, Zamin village, Kashgar old county. The farmer then developed a two-step plan to Chineseize the villagers through party members. In the first step, party members set up an activity center, party history information center, and a library to create "conditions for understanding the party" among party members; The second step is to build a "party activity center" in the house of the party members in the village where the residents are concentrated, and gather the members of the surrounding villages here, and through the party members, the Uyghurs in the village are brainwashed. This style was extended to the towns in the old town of Kashgar.
As a result, the Chineseization of Uyghur education was carried out in the most powerful way in the old town of Kashgar. In other words, the so-called " Guangzhou relatives " were among the "Chinese relatives" who started and systematized the Chineseization of Uyghur education among the 19 provinces and cities of China that divided the Uyghur nation.
It is well known that any nation first thinks and thinks in its mother tongue. It is difficult to learn another language without being familiar with the mother tongue. But the Chinese regime is destroying Uyghur education by destroying the Uyghur language. The loss of a language is actually the loss of a nation, as well as the national culture that expresses the existence of that nation and the land that supports it. Language reflects the overall history of the spiritual life of any nation. A nation's language connects its past and present. National education transmits the culture of that nation. Replaces and refreshes. So there is a dynamic relationship between education and culture. Any nation gathers its beliefs, beliefs, dreams and aspirations through language in literary works in all forms of writing, including visual arts and music, proverbs, idioms, legends, plays, stories, and novels. The loss of language accelerates the loss of philosophy. It is clear that if education is destroyed, it will lead to the severing of national traditions. This essentially opens the door to the defeat of the heart in the whole nation, and the transformation of the Uyghur identity to the Chinese identity.
A nation moves forward, develops, and gains strength with the development of education. But today, Uyghur education is struggling with unprecedented challenges. The Chineseization of Uyghur education, which is closely related to the future and national existence of Uyghurs, is of great concern to all Uyghurs. In such a situation, is it possible to talk about the future of Uyghur education?
The most important thing that gives us hope is that although the Chinese government is using various means to completely destroy the Uyghurs, it is known that it is not so easy to destroy the Uyghur spirit of the Uyghur people. The Uyghurs are a people who have been able to connect and maintain their heritage from the distant past to the present in the waves of various cultures, beliefs and ideas in the long history, as well as in political and social crises. The fact that the Uyghur language, culture and education have a very deep foundation, which has never been broken at any time in history, is the reason why the Uyghur people have survived in perfect form among the 56 ethnic groups in China.
Today, Uyghurs living through genocide are more aware of the importance of language and education in their survival. Although the Chinese regime is making the Chineseization of Uyghur education one of the most important means of Uyghur genocide, this kind of coercion is instead making the Uyghur people more aware of the importance of existence. It is clear that, whether inside or outside the motherland, Uyghurs will continue to exist, and by destroying the Uyghur language and education, China's goal of destroying Uyghurs will not be achieved at all.
Taiwan's national health insurance has legislation and private supervision, can China do it?
Ministry of Health and Welfare Central Health Insurance Administration
China's senior citizens have recently taken to the streets to protest the reform of medical insurance. Many people envy Taiwan's universal health insurance system. So, Taiwan's health care system has legislation and private supervision, can China do it?
"When I traveled to Yunnan, the tour guide said that they envied Taiwan's health insurance card the most," Lin Yingran, a pediatrician who has practiced in Taiwan for many years, told this station.
In China, the out-of-pocket burden of seeing a doctor and buying medicine is quite high. Just like before the implementation of the national health insurance in Taiwan, if someone suffers from cancer or a serious disease, the family may have to run out of property, and the national health insurance has greatly reduced the cost of medical treatment.
"Taiwan's health insurance pays less for serious illnesses, and part of the burden can be waived for major injuries, which is cheaper than general medical treatment." Lin Yingran emphasized the importance of health insurance as a social safety net. Will take risks to raise money. The health insurance system is very important to social stability.”
Lin Jingyi, a legislator of the Democratic Progressive Party of Taiwan who has more than 20 years of experience in obstetrics and gynecology, said that the spirit of mutual assistance in Taiwan’s health insurance lies in the fact that everyone’s monthly payment is not high. To ensure that no matter whether it is a serious illness or a minor illness, you can get the fastest treatment without burdening too much: "The basic spirit is to help together, and don't let anyone be poor because of illness, or unable to be sick because of poverty."
How much do Taiwanese health insurance citizens pay?
Taiwan's National Health Insurance (National Health Insurance) was established in 1995, and all newborns born in Taiwan who have registered permanent residence in Taiwan for more than 6 months must be covered.
Insurance premiums are calculated according to different identities. Employers pay 60%, workers pay 30%, and the government pays 10%. Unemployed people pay 60% and the government pays 40%. For civil servants, the government pays both the employer and the government. Government pays for it. Taking the worker’s self-payment 3 as an example, the minimum burden is NT$372 (approximately RMB 85.5) per month, and the same is charged for each additional dependent; the maximum monthly burden for an individual is 2823 yuan (approximately RMB 649.3).
There are many primary medical clinics in Taiwan, which are convenient for medical treatment and less burden of self-payment
The biggest difference between Taiwan's medical environment and China's is that Taiwan is small and there are many primary medical clinics. Lin Yingran described that the clinic is as accessible as a convenience store near home.
Taiwan's health insurance system encourages minor illnesses to be seen nearby, rather than rushing to large hospitals to waste medical resources. In addition to the registration fee, the self-pay part includes only 50 yuan (about 11.5 yuan) for the clinic and 420 yuan (about 96.6 yuan) for the medical center.
After seeing a doctor in the clinic, patients can usually pick up the medicine at the nearby pharmacy after getting the prescription; the cost part of the clinic includes that the drug fee is less than 100 yuan (RMB 23) and part of the burden is exempted, and 20% of the fee is charged for more than 100 yuan. , up to 200 yuan (RMB 46); for hospitals, up to 300 yuan (RMB 69).
Is it possible for China's medical insurance reform to replicate Taiwan's national health insurance model? Lin Yingran: "It's not that China can't develop, as long as it invests money in it. China is aggressively spending money on military expenditures, etc. If it really wants to do it, it must follow Taiwan's example."
How does health insurance supervise and prevent fraud?
This time China's medical reform has set off a wave of protests across the country. Although the Chinese government told the public that the reduction in personal accounts was used to increase general outpatient pooling benefits, this move still cannot eliminate public doubts about the use of black boxes and corruption in pooling account control.
Taiwan's total health insurance includes public and employer contributions, government budget appropriations, and other taxes, and will exceed 800 billion yuan (approximately RMB 184 billion) in 2022.
Lin Jingyi pointed out that the internal audit of Taiwan's health insurance has many checkpoints. Among them, the National Health Insurance Association (National Health Insurance Association), including payer representatives, employer representatives, medical representatives, government representatives, and non-governmental fair people, jointly negotiate on the allocation of health insurance expenses. . 99% of Taiwan's medical institutions are covered by the health insurance system. After the hospital declares, how to allocate the budget is very clear and transparent. She said, "No one in Taiwan will suspect that the health insurance funds are unknown, because this reservoir is not enough every year."
Teng Xihua, spokesperson of the Taiwan Health Insurance Supervision Alliance, analyzed in an interview with our station that Taiwan’s health insurance is a concept of public funding. The government’s appropriation part, because of the budget and settlement, the Legislative Yuan has the responsibility to supervise; the employer’s burden part, the National Taxation Bureau can also see Tax deductions from employers. The National Health Insurance Council is a third party, including income, use allocation, and safety reserves must be submitted to the National Health Insurance Council for discussion and approval.
Teng Xihua said that there is no comparison between a democratic country and the CCP's totalitarian supervision system: "It is not a question of whether Taiwan's health insurance system can learn from it, but the transparency of the political body itself is far from that, and although China has an 'organ of public opinion', it can play a role. The function may be like our advisory committee and the management committee in medical insurance, and its management and supervision functions are different in strength and transparency."
Teng Xihua said that she can understand why the Chinese people are angry about the reduction of personal accounts. In countries with serious corruption and higher levels of opacity, not to mention the poor, even the rich want to hold money in their own hands. Trust is the core key.