Libya needs consensual solutions to controversial issues related to the constitution

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Libya needs consensual solutions to controversial issues related to the constitution It is important today to implement one of the provisions of the road map, which is related to the disbanding and disarming of militias, but very little has been achieved. Certainly, Russian President Vladimir Putin, who has placed on top of his priorities restoring the glory of the former Soviet Union, will not accept to leave Libya empty-handed, if the US-European efforts put the country on the path of a consensual political solution, wrapped in an international cover. As long as this possibility of peace exists in light of the current balance of power, the exclusion of Russia's candidate, Saif al-Islam Gaddafi, has become necessary to block the path to the return of the former regime. In this sense, postponing the electoral process was the only option to prevent a new outbreak of war between the September and Al-February. It seems that Moscow is still betting on the popularity it believes that the second son of the late leader Muammar Gaddafi is still enjoying in the eastern and southern regions. It is confirmed that the Russians are clinging to the positions they acquired in a country that was at the forefront of Russian arms customers. From this standpoint, Putin has been determined, since his arrival at the Kremlin Palace, in the year 2000 to restore the lost glory not only in Ukraine, but also in the Middle East and North Africa. Therefore, Russia will not be far from the solutions likely to be developed by the Road Map Committee, which was formed by the House of Representatives, in preparation for determining the new timing for the elections. It may be said that the committee started its work from the beginning of the road and not from the middle, as it returned the horse to its natural position in front of the cart and not behind it, considering that the constitution is the necessary prelude to launching the electoral process. In this context, the members of the committee met with the decision of the constituent assembly for drafting the constitution and with the head of the work committee in the body. The content of the meeting was not known, but the statement of the House of Representatives stated that the meeting touched on the stages of drafting the constitution and the challenges that this path faces. In this context, it is necessary to link with the outcomes of the dialogue sessions, which were launched since the ninth of November 2020 in Tunisia, within the framework of a multi-track process, which included the military and economic dialogue, in addition to the track of women, youth and municipalities. This progress was made under the auspices of the United Nations Mission, with a view to achieving an end to the crisis and consolidation of power in the country. It was noted that the members of the Committee met with a delegation from the House of Representatives, as well as with a delegation from the Presidential Council and heads of committees in the State Council, as well as representatives of some political parties, in a way that once again placed the Road Map Committee at the heart of the political process. Hence, it is confirmed that dialogue is possible, despite all the difficulties and inhibitions, to find consensual solutions to most of the contentious issues related to the draft constitution and to amend the electoral law, which was drafted by Parliament Speaker Aguila Saleh alone, and almost everyone agrees to reject it. The bill was subjected to nine amendments in ten days, without the majority of deputies knowing the content of those amendments, which were adopted without voting on them. The Road Map Committee was formed last December 22, by a decision of the Presidency of the House of Representatives, and it is composed of ten members, and is responsible for preparing a proposal for a road map beyond December 24, following the postponement of the presidential elections. The commissioner based the decision to postpone the elections on the information she received through security reports issued by the Ministry of Interior and the General Intelligence Service. According to Representative Sarah Al-Suwayeh, the security breaches widened, and it was confirmed that there were terrorist plans targeting election headquarters with bombings, as well as suspicions of fraud in the national number system, the impersonation of Libyan citizenship by people of other nationalities, and vote-buying, in addition to a defect in about 750,000 ballot papers. However, these numbers seem inaccurate, and even exaggerated, according to those who know the secrets of the electoral process. However, this atmosphere led to questioning the integrity of the electoral process, and even rejecting it. As for the head of the National Elections Commission, Imad al-Sayeh, in his testimony before the special parliamentary session, he attributed the postponement of the elections to three reasons, the first of which is conflicting judicial rulings regarding some candidates, as the courts of appeal were subject to pressure and annulled the decisions of the courts of first instance, which invalidated the candidacy of some prominent figures, such as Saif al-Islam, Khalifa Haftar and al-Dabaiba, in addition to the large number of candidates, as the period granted to the commission was not sufficient to ensure the integrity of their records from fraud. The second reason was the threats the commission received from militias in western Libya, including the threat to storm the commission’s headquarters if the elections take place with a list of candidates that these militias do not accept, and questioning the integrity of the commission, with state institutions remaining silent in the face of these threats, including the Presidential Council, the government and parliament. The third reason, arising from the foregoing, is the commission's questioning of the Ministry of Interior's ability to secure the electoral process in these circumstances. Therefore, it is likely that the attention of the Libyan elites will focus in the coming period on amending some laws, especially the presidential and legislative elections laws, in addition to addressing the constitutional track, in preparation for setting a new time for the polls, taking into account the international situation. In this regard, the Parliamentary Committee concerned with following up the electoral process recently held a meeting in Tobruk, in which it presented to 115 deputies the results of its work. It is noteworthy that it recommended the re-formation of the government and the development of a new road map, in addition to amending the constitution. Those recommendations raised several questions about the fate of the interim national unity government headed by Dabaiba. Some wonder whether the government will leave with its prime minister, or will elements of it remain in the government formation, especially those who run technical ministries? Will Dabaiba submit his resignation? The question also arises about the fate of the Presidential Council, whose members were chosen in a complex way, and it is difficult to re-establish it. These questions are being asked today because the road map that was drawn up in the Tunis/Geneva dialogues did not anticipate the current scenario, i.e. the postponement of the elections. In other words, these assumptions will remain hostage to the decision of the party that chose the members of the interim government and named the members of its Presidential Council, ie the United Nations. However, Dabaiba, as well as the President of the Presidential Council, Muhammad al-Minfi, will not agree to give up their positions, despite the fact that Dabaiba has breached the pledges he made to himself, upon assuming the premiership, to refrain from running for elections. Financial circles also talked about an increase in government expenditures, during his tenure, by more than 70 percent, compared to the expenditures of previous governments. But his supporters assert that the country's foreign exchange reserves rose last December to about 41 billion dollars. The path to compatibility The road to consensus, which could pave the way for elections, necessarily passes through a dialogue between the State Council and Parliament, but many observers in Libya believe that there is no hope of dialogue between the two bodies, and they affirm that all experiences have proven this, as resuming the previous path with the same mechanisms will lead to Similar result. This is due to two issues, the first of which is the insistence of the House of Representatives (Benghazi) to unilaterally issue election laws, and the second is the opposition of the State Council (Tripoli), which is controlled by the Brotherhood, to hold presidential elections, and its call to be satisfied with parliamentary elections, in an attempt to imitate the Tunisian track, despite the latter’s failure. And one of the titles of the failure was the conflict over constitutional powers between the presidency and the government, which disrupted the democratic transition experience. The President of the Libyan State Council, Khaled Al-Mashri, launched a continuous campaign in the months leading up to the postponement of the elections, calling for their cancellation, and exerted all pressure on the Electoral Commission to push for the decision to postpone. Hence the American pressure to expedite the reform of the legal system for elections, in preparation for going to the ballot box, a position expressed by the US special envoy, Ambassador Norland, in the letter he addressed to the Libyans on the occasion of the New Year. It is also the position announced by Democratic Representative in Congress Ted Deutch, who emphasized that the overwhelming majority of the Libyan people want elections free of violence and intimidation, and within a clear legal framework. In this sense, it is ensured that preparing for elections with these specifications will take longer than the month proposed by the High Elections Commission, and than the two months, despite the fact that more than 2.5 million Libyans have registered themselves in the electoral registration records. Four European countries, led by Germany, the sponsor of the Berlin 1 and Berlin 2 conferences, took a position consistent with the American position, which referred to Dabaiba, without naming him by name, stressing that candidates who occupy positions in public institutions should continue not to occupy them until the election results are announced, and that “To avoid conflict of interests and to promote equal opportunities,” according to what was stated in the statement of the four countries, namely France, Germany, Britain and Italy, in addition to the United States, which also signed the statement. Several reports indicated that the capital, Tripoli, is witnessing a state of sharp division among the armed groups, centered on what to do in the event of a withdrawal of confidence from the caretaker government, led by Dabaiba. The armed groups besieged the middle of last month, and days before the date of the presidential elections, a number of institutions, including the presidency of the Council of Ministers and security institutions. It seems that the emirs of the groups in Tripoli are divided over the position of the interim government, which distributes salaries to them, between a defender of Dabaiba and keen to protect his government, on the one hand, according to the road map, and another group that seeks to control the capital and decide on it alone. Hence the importance of implementing one of the provisions of the road map, which is related to dissolving militias, disarming them, and working to integrate their elements into civilian life. However, what has been achieved so far from that goal is very little, and it does not bode well that the Libyan cities, especially the capital, will get rid of the control of the militants.

Libya needs consensual solutions to controversial issues related to the constitution


It is important today to implement one of the provisions of the road map, which is related to the disbanding and disarming of militias, but very little has been achieved.

Certainly, Russian President Vladimir Putin, who has placed on top of his priorities restoring the glory of the former Soviet Union, will not accept to leave Libya empty-handed, if the US-European efforts put the country on the path of a consensual political solution, wrapped in an international cover. As long as this possibility of peace exists in light of the current balance of power, the exclusion of Russia's candidate, Saif al-Islam Gaddafi, has become necessary to block the path to the return of the former regime. In this sense, postponing the electoral process was the only option to prevent a new outbreak of war between the September and Al-February. 

It seems that Moscow is still betting on the popularity it believes that the second son of the late leader Muammar Gaddafi is still enjoying in the eastern and southern regions. It is confirmed that the Russians are clinging to the positions they acquired in a country that was at the forefront of Russian arms customers. From this standpoint, Putin has been determined, since his arrival at the Kremlin Palace, in the year 2000 to restore the lost glory not only in Ukraine, but also in the Middle East and North Africa. Therefore, Russia will not be far from the solutions likely to be developed by the Road Map Committee, which was formed by the House of Representatives, in preparation for determining the new timing for the elections.

It may be said that the committee started its work from the beginning of the road and not from the middle, as it returned the horse to its natural position in front of the cart and not behind it, considering that the constitution is the necessary prelude to launching the electoral process. In this context, the members of the committee met with the decision of the constituent assembly for drafting the constitution and with the head of the work committee in the body. 

The content of the meeting was not known, but the statement of the House of Representatives stated that the meeting touched on the stages of drafting the constitution and the challenges that this path faces. In this context, it is necessary to link with the outcomes of the dialogue sessions, which were launched since the ninth of November 2020 in Tunisia, within the framework of a multi-track process, which included the military and economic dialogue, in addition to the track of women, youth and municipalities.

This progress was made under the auspices of the United Nations Mission, with a view to achieving an end to the crisis and consolidation of power in the country. It was noted that the members of the Committee met with a delegation from the House of Representatives, as well as with a delegation from the Presidential Council and heads of committees in the State Council, as well as representatives of some political parties, in a way that once again placed the Road Map Committee at the heart of the political process.

Hence, it is confirmed that dialogue is possible, despite all the difficulties and inhibitions, to find consensual solutions to most of the contentious issues related to the draft constitution and to amend the electoral law, which was drafted by Parliament Speaker Aguila Saleh alone, and almost everyone agrees to reject it. The bill was subjected to nine amendments in ten days, without the majority of deputies knowing the content of those amendments, which were adopted without voting on them.

The Road Map Committee was formed last December 22, by a decision of the Presidency of the House of Representatives, and it is composed of ten members, and is responsible for preparing a proposal for a road map beyond December 24, following the postponement of the presidential elections. The commissioner based the decision to postpone the elections on the information she received through security reports issued by the Ministry of Interior and the General Intelligence Service.

According to Representative Sarah Al-Suwayeh, the security breaches widened, and it was confirmed that there were terrorist plans targeting election headquarters with bombings, as well as suspicions of fraud in the national number system, the impersonation of Libyan citizenship by people of other nationalities, and vote-buying, in addition to a defect in about 750,000 ballot papers. However, these numbers seem inaccurate, and even exaggerated, according to those who know the secrets of the electoral process. However, this atmosphere led to questioning the integrity of the electoral process, and even rejecting it.

As for the head of the National Elections Commission, Imad al-Sayeh, in his testimony before the special parliamentary session, he attributed the postponement of the elections to three reasons, the first of which is conflicting judicial rulings regarding some candidates, as the courts of appeal were subject to pressure and annulled the decisions of the courts of first instance, which invalidated the candidacy of some prominent figures, such as Saif al-Islam, Khalifa Haftar and al-Dabaiba, in addition to the large number of candidates, as the period granted to the commission was not sufficient to ensure the integrity of their records from fraud. 

The second reason was the threats the commission received from militias in western Libya, including the threat to storm the commission’s headquarters if the elections take place with a list of candidates that these militias do not accept, and questioning the integrity of the commission, with state institutions remaining silent in the face of these threats, including the Presidential Council, the government and parliament. The third reason, arising from the foregoing, is the commission's questioning of the Ministry of Interior's ability to secure the electoral process in these circumstances.

Therefore, it is likely that the attention of the Libyan elites will focus in the coming period on amending some laws, especially the presidential and legislative elections laws, in addition to addressing the constitutional track, in preparation for setting a new time for the polls, taking into account the international situation. In this regard, the Parliamentary Committee concerned with following up the electoral process recently held a meeting in Tobruk, in which it presented to 115 deputies the results of its work. It is noteworthy that it recommended the re-formation of the government and the development of a new road map, in addition to amending the constitution. Those recommendations raised several questions about the fate of the interim national unity government headed by Dabaiba. 

Some wonder whether the government will leave with its prime minister, or will elements of it remain in the government formation, especially those who run technical ministries? Will Dabaiba submit his resignation? The question also arises about the fate of the Presidential Council, whose members were chosen in a complex way, and it is difficult to re-establish it.

These questions are being asked today because the road map that was drawn up in the Tunis/Geneva dialogues did not anticipate the current scenario, i.e. the postponement of the elections. In other words, these assumptions will remain hostage to the decision of the party that chose the members of the interim government and named the members of its Presidential Council, ie the United Nations. However, Dabaiba, as well as the President of the Presidential Council, Muhammad al-Minfi, will not agree to give up their positions, despite the fact that Dabaiba has breached the pledges he made to himself, upon assuming the premiership, to refrain from running for elections. Financial circles also talked about an increase in government expenditures, during his tenure, by more than 70 percent, compared to the expenditures of previous governments. But his supporters assert that the country's foreign exchange reserves rose last December to about 41 billion dollars.

The path to compatibility
The road to consensus, which could pave the way for elections, necessarily passes through a dialogue between the State Council and Parliament, but many observers in Libya believe that there is no hope of dialogue between the two bodies, and they affirm that all experiences have proven this, as resuming the previous path with the same mechanisms will lead to Similar result. This is due to two issues, the first of which is the insistence of the House of Representatives (Benghazi) to unilaterally issue election laws, and the second is the opposition of the State Council (Tripoli), which is controlled by the Brotherhood, to hold presidential elections, and its call to be satisfied with parliamentary elections, in an attempt to imitate the Tunisian track, despite the latter’s failure. 

And one of the titles of the failure was the conflict over constitutional powers between the presidency and the government, which disrupted the democratic transition experience. The President of the Libyan State Council, Khaled Al-Mashri, launched a continuous campaign in the months leading up to the postponement of the elections, calling for their cancellation, and exerted all pressure on the Electoral Commission to push for the decision to postpone.

Hence the American pressure to expedite the reform of the legal system for elections, in preparation for going to the ballot box, a position expressed by the US special envoy, Ambassador Norland, in the letter he addressed to the Libyans on the occasion of the New Year. It is also the position announced by Democratic Representative in Congress Ted Deutch, who emphasized that the overwhelming majority of the Libyan people want elections free of violence and intimidation, and within a clear legal framework. In this sense, it is ensured that preparing for elections with these specifications will take longer than the month proposed by the High Elections Commission, and than the two months, despite the fact that more than 2.5 million Libyans have registered themselves in the electoral registration records.

Four European countries, led by Germany, the sponsor of the Berlin 1 and Berlin 2 conferences, took a position consistent with the American position, which referred to Dabaiba, without naming him by name, stressing that candidates who occupy positions in public institutions should continue not to occupy them until the election results are announced, and that “To avoid conflict of interests and to promote equal opportunities,” according to what was stated in the statement of the four countries, namely France, Germany, Britain and Italy, in addition to the United States, which also signed the statement.

Several reports indicated that the capital, Tripoli, is witnessing a state of sharp division among the armed groups, centered on what to do in the event of a withdrawal of confidence from the caretaker government, led by Dabaiba. The armed groups besieged the middle of last month, and days before the date of the presidential elections, a number of institutions, including the presidency of the Council of Ministers and security institutions.

It seems that the emirs of the groups in Tripoli are divided over the position of the interim government, which distributes salaries to them, between a defender of Dabaiba and keen to protect his government, on the one hand, according to the road map, and another group that seeks to control the capital and decide on it alone. Hence the importance of implementing one of the provisions of the road map, which is related to dissolving militias, disarming them, and working to integrate their elements into civilian life. However, what has been achieved so far from that goal is very little, and it does not bode well that the Libyan cities, especially the capital, will get rid of the control of the militants.



Ramy Shaath arrives in Paris after his release and “forced” to give up his Egyptian citizenship – (video) The family of the Egyptian-Palestinian human rights activist Ramy Shaath , coordinator of the boycott of Israel campaign in Egypt, announced his release and arrival in France. French President Emmanuel Macron welcomed Shaath's release. Macron tweeted: "Thank you to everyone who played a role in achieving this positive result." Shaath had arrived at Charles de Gaulle airport this morning from Amman, to which he had gone after the Egyptian authorities released him two days ago. Shaath's family said in a statement, earlier today: " Rami was released on January 6, after more than 900 days in prison, and that he met with representatives of the Palestinian National Authority at Cairo International Airport, and from there he traveled to the Jordanian capital, Amman." And as we write these lines, Rami is on his way to Paris.” And the statement continued: “With our joy at the Egyptian authorities’ response to our call for freedom, we also express our dissatisfaction with their forcing Rami to give up his Egyptian nationality as a condition for his release. This should have been unconditional after two and a half years of imprisonment. A person should not choose between his freedom and His nationality, Rami was born and raised Egyptian, and Egypt was and will remain his homeland, and renunciation of his nationality will never change that.” The family statement added: "We celebrate this special day with everyone who supported us and stood with Rami in his struggle for freedom. We express our gratitude to all volunteers, human rights organizations, and thousands of public figures and citizens in all the Arab world, the diaspora and the world who demanded his release." It is noteworthy that the security forces arrested Shaath, 48, in July 2019, and the investigation authorities accused him of fomenting unrest against the state. His French wife, Céline Le Brun, was deported to Paris on the same day he was arrested. Rami Shaath is the son of Nabil Shaath, a senior leader and former minister in the Palestinian National Authority, and is the coordinator of the Boycott, Divestment, and Sanctions (BDS) movement in Egypt. In April 2020, Shaath's name was included on the Egyptian list of "terrorist entities and individuals", in a decision highly criticized by non-governmental organizations and UN experts.

Ramy Shaath arrives in Paris after his release and “forced” to give up his Egyptian citizenship – (video)


The family of the Egyptian-Palestinian human rights activist Ramy Shaath , coordinator of the boycott of Israel campaign in Egypt, announced his release and arrival in France.

French President Emmanuel Macron welcomed Shaath's release.

Macron tweeted: "Thank you to everyone who played a role in achieving this positive result."

Shaath had arrived at Charles de Gaulle airport this morning from Amman, to which he had gone after the Egyptian authorities released him two days ago.

Shaath's family said in a statement, earlier today: " Rami was released on January 6, after more than 900 days in prison, and that he met with representatives of the Palestinian National Authority at Cairo International Airport, and from there he traveled to the Jordanian capital, Amman." And as we write these lines, Rami is on his way to Paris.”

And the statement continued: “With our joy at the Egyptian authorities’ response to our call for freedom, we also express our dissatisfaction with their forcing Rami to give up his Egyptian nationality as a condition for his release. This should have been unconditional after two and a half years of imprisonment. A person should not choose between his freedom and His nationality, Rami was born and raised Egyptian, and Egypt was and will remain his homeland, and renunciation of his nationality will never change that.”

The family statement added: "We celebrate this special day with everyone who supported us and stood with Rami in his struggle for freedom. We express our gratitude to all volunteers, human rights organizations, and thousands of public figures and citizens in all the Arab world, the diaspora and the world who demanded his release."

It is noteworthy that the security forces arrested Shaath, 48, in July 2019, and the investigation authorities accused him of fomenting unrest against the state. His French wife, Céline Le Brun, was deported to Paris on the same day he was arrested.

Rami Shaath is the son of Nabil Shaath, a senior leader and former minister in the Palestinian National Authority, and is the coordinator of the Boycott, Divestment, and Sanctions (BDS) movement in Egypt.

In April 2020, Shaath's name was included on the Egyptian list of "terrorist entities and individuals", in a decision highly criticized by non-governmental organizations and UN experts.


Foreign Policy: Why doesn't Biden support the Sudanese democratic movement? Under the title “Why does Biden not support the Sudanese democratic movement?”, an article on the website of the American “Foreign Policy” magazine criticized the position of the administration of US President Joe Biden on the democratic movement in Sudan. The authors of the article, Cameron Hudson, fellow at the Atlantic Council's Africa Center, and Sudanese analyst Kholoud Khair, emphasized that the democratic movement in Sudan did not receive much attention at Biden's democracy summit last December. The authors accused the Biden summit of legitimizing and praising the military leaders there at a time when they were consolidating their grip on power. The authors of the article went on to describe the democratic movement in Sudan as the most hopeful in the African continent today and perhaps in the world. The Biden administration continues the policy of former President Donald Trump towards Sudan by giving his order to Washington's regional allies. They considered that the resignation of Sudanese Prime Minister Abdullah Hamdok, amid ongoing protests , means that Washington's policies need a fresh start. The authors of the article stressed that the Biden administration continues the policy of former President Donald Trump towards Sudan by giving his order to Washington's regional allies. The authors of the article called on the Biden administration to give priority in its policy towards Sudan to a values-based approach in line with the declared intention of the Biden Democratic Summit, if it hopes to break the political deadlock in Sudan and position itself as a supporter of the democratic movement. One of the main demands of the Sudanese Democratic Movement, the authors said, is that the Biden administration withhold hundreds of millions of dollars in US aid from the ruling military council to increase pressure on the military, even if at the expense of the protesters. A gap between "poetic discourse" and actual politics The article added that there is a growing gap between Washington's escalating rhetorical commitment - which was talking poetically about supporting and promoting democracy in Sudan - and its actual policies. He said that Washington's rush to ratify the "unbalanced" political agreement after what the opposition describes as the coup of the Sudanese army commander Abdel Fattah al-Burhan on October 25, even before the besieged democracy advocates in Sudan were able to assess the agreement and express their objection, was not successful. Noting that Washington chose the path of appeasement rather than supporting the pent-up power of pro-democracy groups in the country. Washington still has a crucial role to play The article questioned the possibility of Washington changing its approach after Hamdok’s resignation and the end of any manifestation of civilian rule in Sudan, noting that the Biden administration described the demands of the democratic movement as “no negotiations, no partnership, and no legitimacy for the army” as unrealistic. He said that bridging the gap between the rhetoric of the United States and the reality of its policies requires clear efforts to support the weak and constrain the strong. One of the main demands of the Sudanese Democratic Movement is that the Biden administration withhold hundreds of millions of dollars in US aid from the ruling military council The article emphasized that despite the position of the United States, it still had a critical role to play in helping shape a more democratic outcome in Sudan; And by not supporting the unsatisfactory agreements between the army and any new civilian prime minister, if any, and to stop giving its policy towards Sudan to its regional allies, and to deal directly with the democratic movement in Sudan, and to find ways to finance democracy and governance, all of which are now frozen, to be directed from Through pro-democracy groups and other civilian structures that would not legitimize the coup.

Foreign Policy: Why doesn't Biden support the Sudanese democratic movement?


Under the title “Why does Biden not support the Sudanese democratic movement?”, an article on the website of the American “Foreign Policy” magazine criticized the position of the administration of US President Joe Biden on the democratic movement in Sudan. The authors of the article, Cameron Hudson, fellow at the Atlantic Council's Africa Center, and Sudanese analyst Kholoud Khair, emphasized that the democratic movement in Sudan did not receive much attention at Biden's democracy summit last December. The authors accused the Biden summit of legitimizing and praising the military leaders there at a time when they were consolidating their grip on power.

The authors of the article went on to describe the democratic movement in Sudan as the most hopeful in the African continent today and perhaps in the world.

The Biden administration continues the policy of former President Donald Trump towards Sudan by giving his order to Washington's regional allies.

They considered that the resignation of Sudanese Prime Minister Abdullah Hamdok, amid ongoing protests , means that Washington's policies need a fresh start.

The authors of the article stressed that the Biden administration continues the policy of former President Donald Trump towards Sudan by giving his order to Washington's regional allies.

The authors of the article called on the Biden administration to give priority in its policy towards Sudan to a values-based approach in line with the declared intention of the Biden Democratic Summit, if it hopes to break the political deadlock in Sudan and position itself as a supporter of the democratic movement.

One of the main demands of the Sudanese Democratic Movement, the authors said, is that the Biden administration withhold hundreds of millions of dollars in US aid from the ruling military council to increase pressure on the military, even if at the expense of the protesters.

A gap between "poetic discourse" and actual politics
The article added that there is a growing gap between Washington's escalating rhetorical commitment - which was talking poetically about supporting and promoting democracy in Sudan - and its actual policies.

He said that Washington's rush to ratify the "unbalanced" political agreement after what the opposition describes as the coup of the Sudanese army commander Abdel Fattah al-Burhan on October 25, even before the besieged democracy advocates in Sudan were able to assess the agreement and express their objection, was not successful. Noting that Washington chose the path of appeasement rather than supporting the pent-up power of pro-democracy groups in the country.

Washington still has a crucial role to play
The article questioned the possibility of Washington changing its approach after Hamdok’s resignation and the end of any manifestation of civilian rule in Sudan, noting that the Biden administration described the demands of the democratic movement as “no negotiations, no partnership, and no legitimacy for the army” as unrealistic. He said that bridging the gap between the rhetoric of the United States and the reality of its policies requires clear efforts to support the weak and constrain the strong.

One of the main demands of the Sudanese Democratic Movement is that the Biden administration withhold hundreds of millions of dollars in US aid from the ruling military council

The article emphasized that despite the position of the United States, it still had a critical role to play in helping shape a more democratic outcome in Sudan; And by not supporting the unsatisfactory agreements between the army and any new civilian prime minister, if any, and to stop giving its policy towards Sudan to its regional allies, and to deal directly with the democratic movement in Sudan, and to find ways to finance democracy and governance, all of which are now frozen, to be directed from Through pro-democracy groups and other civilian structures that would not legitimize the coup.
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